The Supreme Court & Affirmative Action: A Way Forward, or Not?

By: Asher Moss

Edited By: Jack Pacconi and Anna Dellit

On March 6, 1961, President John F. Kennedy introduced Executive Order 10925 and with it the concept of “affirmative action,” the idea that organizations should take steps to recruit and advance historically marginalized groups. [1]

Seventeen years later, the Supreme Court ruled in University of California v. Bakke (1978) that affirmative action would now be subjected to the strict scrutiny doctrine: policies are presumed invalid unless the government can prove it achieves a “compelling state interest.” Justice Lewis Powell writes for the majority, “diversity that furthers a compelling state interest encompasses… an array of qualifications,” and “race or ethnic background may be deemed a ‘plus’ in a particular applicant's file.” [2] Essentially, while Bakke found that affirmative action satisfied the strict scrutiny requirement, it laid the groundwork for fiery subsequent legal debate.

For the most part, affirmative action in admissions was left intact for forty-five years. However, in 2023, the Court ruled in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard that all forms of race-conscious admissions violate the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Both policies ban government-funded entities from engaging in racial discrimination. [3]

Writing for the majority, Justice Roberts established the factors that led to the decision: First, affirmative action policies do not serve a compelling state interest and thus don’t meet the strict scrutiny threshold. Second, universities used an applicant’s race in a “negative manner:” the policy supposedly resulted in disadvantages for other students. Third, “the absence of meaningful endpoints:” the majority's argument that any near-term rollback is unlikely due to the established metrics of governments and universities despite the initial temporary intent of affirmative action. [4]

Since the 2023 decision, universities have grappled with how to further their diversity goals within the Court’s parameters. Harvard Admissions replaced its open-ended essay with short answer questions aimed at forcing students to discuss specific aspects of their life experiences. [5] Many other elite universities have followed suit in grabbing onto Roberts’ lifeline: universities may consider an “applicant’s discussion of how race affected his or her life.” [6]  Nevertheless, Harvard saw a 4% decrease in African American students in the Class of 2028 compared to 2027. [7]

The Stanford Center for Racial Justice puts forth other options that can boost racial diversity considering the ruling, including rolling back legacy admissions, implementing test-optional policies, recruiting from specific areas, and percent plans. [8] However, these methods are not proven to unilaterally affect the pool of admitted students. For example, studies on percent plans have found that most students who are admitted through the plan would have been admitted regardless. [9]

Without a clear path for universities, the focus has shifted to inequalities in PK-12. In fall 2021, 42% of Asian students and 34% of White students attended low-poverty public schools. Only 13% of Asian students and 7% of White students attended high-poverty schools. For Black and Hispanic students, the pattern was reversed: only 12% of Black and Hispanic students attended low-poverty schools, while 37% of Black students and 38% of Hispanic students attended high-poverty schools. [10] By the time Black and Hispanic students reach the admissions process, they face disadvantages shaped both by the educational disparities just discussed and by broader systemic inequalities. Standardizing the courses offered at public high schools to better align with college entry requirements could help address some of these disparities and make it easier for Black and Hispanic students to compete on equal footing. [11] However, these programs would require unprecedented cross-state cooperation and funding prioritization from the federal government, both of which are unlikely to occur soon. 

Ultimately, the Supreme Court’s overturning of decades of precedent that recognized not just the benefits of racial diversity in universities to students, but the enormous barriers that marginalized groups have had to overcome to gain access to higher education, has forced admissions officers to reconsider their approach. They must now explore new outreach, review, and evaluation practices to ensure they continue to build a well-rounded, academically qualified, and satisfactorily diverse class of students.

Notes:


1. University of California, Irvine: Office of Equal Opportunity and Diversity, “A Brief History of Affirmative Action,” accessed December 2, 2024, https://www.oeod.uci.edu/policies/aa_history.php.

2. Lewis Powell, University of California Regents v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (Supreme Court of the United States, June 28, 1978).

3. John Roberts, Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College, 600 U.S. ___ (Supreme Court of the United States, June 29, 2023).

4. Ibid.

5. Michelle Amponsah and Rahem Hamid, “Harvard Overhauls College Application in Wake of Affirmative Action Decision,” The Harvard Crimson, August 3, 2023, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2023/8/3/harvard-admission-essay-change/.

6. Roberts, Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College.

7. Elyse Goncalves and Matan Josephy, “Harvard Reports Drop in Black Enrollment,” The Harvard Crimson, September 11, 2024, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2024/9/11/harvard-black-enrollment-drops/.

8. Hoang Pham et al., “Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard FAQ: Navigating the Evolving Implications of the Court’s Ruling,” Stanford Center for Racial Justice, December 12, 2023, https://law.stanford.edu/2023/12/12/students-for-fair-admissions-v-harvard-faq-navigating-the-evolving-implications-of-the-courts-ruling/.

9. Bryan Cook, “How to Achieve Diverse Access to College in a Post-Affirmative Action World,” Center on Education Data and Policy (Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, September 2023), 10.

10. “Disparities in Students’ Exposure to Racial, Ethnic, and Economic Segregation,” National Center for Education Statistics, August 2023, https://nces.ed.gov/programs/equity/indicator_d8.asp.

11. Cook, “How to Achieve Diverse Access to College in a Post-Affirmative Action World,” 12–13.

Bibliography:

Amponsah, Michelle, and Rahem Hamid. “Harvard Overhauls College Application in Wake of Affirmative Action Decision.” The Harvard Crimson. Harvard University, August 3, 2023. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2023/8/3/harvard-admission-essay-change/.

Cook, Bryan. “How to Achieve Diverse Access to College in a Post-Affirmative Action World.” Center on Education Data and Policy. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, September 2023.

Goncalves, Elyse, and Matan Josephy. “Harvard Reports Drop in Black Enrollment.” The Harvard Crimson. Harvard University, September 11, 2024. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2024/9/11/harvard-black-enrollment-drops/.

National Center for Education Statistics. “Disparities in Students’ Exposure to Racial, Ethnic, and Economic Segregation,” August 2023. https://nces.ed.gov/programs/equity/indicator_d8.asp.

Pham, Hoang, Imani Nokuri, Fatima Dahir, and Mira Joseph. “Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard FAQ: Navigating the Evolving Implications of the Court’s Ruling.” Stanford Center for Racial Justice. Stanford Law School, December 12, 2023. https://law.stanford.edu/2023/12/12/students-for-fair-admissions-v-harvard-faq-navigating-the-evolving-implications-of-the-courts-ruling/.

Powell, Lewis. University of California Regents v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (Supreme Court of the United States, June 28, 1978).

Roberts, John. Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College, 600 U.S. ___ (Supreme Court of the United States, June 29, 2023).

U.S Department of Labor. “Affirmative Action.” Department of Labor. United States Federal Government, 2019. https://www.dol.gov/general/topic/hiring/affirmativeact.

University of California, Irvine: Office of Equal Opportunity and Diversity. “A Brief History of Affirmative Action.” www.oeod.uci.edu. University of California. 2024. https://www.oeod.uci.edu/policies/aa_history.php.

The World as Argentina’s Oyster: Understanding Article 118 and Universal Jurisdiction

By: Ethan Abisellan

Edited By: Faith Magiera and Anna Dellit

In October 2008, in Spain, Judge Baltasar Garzón opened an investigation on alleged crimes against humanity committed under the Franco regime. However, the Criminal Chamber of the Spanish National Court quickly blocked the investigation, citing the currently in effect 1977 Amnesty Law, which guarantees impunity to those who participated in crimes during the Spanish Civil War under the Franco regime. [1] Frustrated with this ruling, relatives of victims traveled to Argentina seeking justice. Soon after, on April 14th, 2010, a criminal complaint was filed before Argentine courts alleging crimes against humanity in Spain perpetrated by the Franco regime. Since then, “la querella Argentina” – “the Argentine complaint” – has grown into an ongoing 14 year investigation withover 330 complaints filed on behalf of victims.[2]

But, why Argentina?

Article 118 of the Argentine Constitution grants Argentine courts jurisdiction over cases “committed outside the territory of the Nation against public international law”, conferring Argentine courts with a unique universal jurisdiction. [3] Essentially, any crimes in violation of international conventions can be prosecuted in Argentina. Cases like the Argentine Complaint ground their investigations on violations of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), which established four international crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. [4]

The Argentine Complaint against Spain marked the first time Article 118 was invoked to prosecute crimes against humanity outside Argentina. Since then, human rights activists from around the globe – often with the help of their Argentine counterparts – have brought about dozens of cases accusing countries of international crimes. Currently, there are ongoing investigations regarding international crimes allegedly committed in China, Colombia, Myanmar, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, and more – all thanks to Argentina’s universal jurisdiction. [5]

The effectiveness of universal jurisdiction, however, seems to be painfully minimal. The demands, findings, and verdicts of Argentine courts hold no real enforcement outside of Argentina. The attempts of Argentine courts to exact justice can be written off by other countries as encroaching on sovereignty or simply denied outright, as in the case of Spain. For example, Judge Maria Romilda Servini – who presided over the Francoist investigation – issued arrest and extradition warrants against 20 senior officials of the Franco regime in late 2014, to no avail. [6]

Although it may not have any real enforcement or pressure to effect change, Argentina’s universal jurisdiction demonstrates the nation’s unwavering commitment to international law and human rights. This commitment gives human rights activists – especially those living in oppressive regimes – avenues to express dissenting opinions, expose human rights violations, and pursue justice in impartial, competent courts. [7] Moreover, universal jurisdiction might have powerful implications on guiding Argentine foreign policy and raising awareness of human rights violations on an international scale.

Notes:

  1. Garcia, “Overview of the Argentine Lawsuit against the Crimes of the Franco Regime:Outcomes and Challenges,” 2.

  2. Íñigo Álvarez, Laura, and Aintzane Márquez Tejón, “Ten Years of the Argentine Inquiry into Franco-Era Crimes: What Has Been Achieved?”

  3. Digital Library of the Ministry of Justice, “Constitution of the Argentine Republic,” 20.

  4. International Criminal Court, “Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,” 3.

  5. Uyghur Human Rights Project. “Landmark Decision as Argentina Court of Cassation Reverses Judge’s Decision Not to Open Uyghur Case for Crimes against Humanity and Genocide.”

  6. Garcia, “Overview of the Argentine Lawsuit against the Crimes of the Franco Regime:Outcomes and Challenges,” 3.

  7. Amnesty International, “Argentina: Amnesty International Makes Submission to Argentine Criminal Court’s Investigation into Crimes against Humanity in Venezuela.” 

Bibliography:

Amnesty International. “Argentina: Amnesty International Makes Submission to Argentine Criminal Court’s Investigation into Crimes against Humanity in Venezuela.” Amnesty International, 27 Feb. 2024, www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2024/02/amicus-curiae-argentina-venezuela-crimes-against-humanity-universal-jurisdiction-human-rights/.

Digital Library of the Ministry of Justice. CONSTITUTION OF THE ARGENTINE NATION, www.biblioteca.jus.gov.ar/Argentina-Constitution.pdf.

Garcia, Alejandro Lerena. “Overview of the Argentine Lawsuit against the Crimes of the Franco Regime: Outcomes and Challenges.” Journal of Political Sciences & Public Affairs, 2021, www.longdom.org/open-access-pdfs/overview-of-the-argentine-lawsuit-against-the-crimes-of-the-franco-regime-outcomes-and-challenges.pdf.

International Criminal Court. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 2021, www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2024-05/Rome-Statute-eng.pdf.

Íñigo Álvarez, Laura, and Aintzane Márquez Tejón. “Ten Years of the Argentine Inquiry into Franco-Era Crimes: What Has Been Achieved?” Oxford Human Rights Hub, 27 Oct. 2020, ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/ten-years-of-the-argentine-inquiry-into-franco-era-crimes-what-has-been-achieved/.

Uyghur Human Rights Project. “Landmark Decision as Argentina Court of Cassation Reverses Judge’s Decision Not to Open Uyghur Case for Crimes against Humanity and Genocide.” Uyghur Human Rights Project, 12 July 2024, uhrp.org/statement/landmark-decision-as-argentina-court-of-cassation-reverses-judges-decision-not-to-open-uyghur-case-for-crimes-against-humanity-and-genocide/.

The Federal Cases Against President Trump

By: Riley Meyer

Edited by: Melany Torres and Olivia Paik

Following the reelection of Donald Trump, special counsel Jack Smith is reevaluating the federal cases against the President-elect. Smith asked to delay these cases to assess the “unprecedented circumstances” of Trump’s election, the inauguration, and how to move forward per the Department of Justice’s policy. [1] In November  2022, Attorney General Merrick Garland appointed Jack Smith as special counsel on two cases. [2] One case involves Trump’s handling of classified documents, and the other case involves Trump’s federal election interference. These cases were progressing quickly before the Election Day, but now require a reassessment.

The Federal appeals court granted Smith's request to pause his appeal of President-elect Trump’s classified documents case until December 2. [3] Smith’s request came days after he asked a federal judge in Washington, D.C. for a pause in the criminal case charging Trump with crimes relating to his attempt to reverse the election results of the 2020 presidential election. [4] In his request, Smith wanted to hold the appeal in abeyance and push the next filing deadline to “afford the government time to assess this unprecedented circumstance and determine the appropriate course going forward consistent with the Department of Justice policy.” [5]

The Department of Justice has a policy that prohibits a sitting president from facing criminal prosecution while in office. [6] This policy has two purposes. Firstly, to allow the executive branch to carry out its constitutional duties without undermining its abilities. [7] Secondly, the executive branch has prosecutorial discretion, meaning that the president has authority over whether to indict themselves once inaugurated. [8] Trump, once president, could have his appointed attorney general toss out both cases. Thus, Smith must now wind down the proceedings of these cases so as not to conflict with policy.

Jack Smith and his team are planning to resign before Trump’s inauguration. Trump disclosed in a radio interview that he would fire Smith immediately when he is reelected, saying, “It’s so easy I would fire him within two seconds.” [9] The final question about the case will be whether Smith’s final report, which contains his charging decision, will be publicly available before Inauguration Day. [10] The Department of Justice requires the special counsel’s office to provide a confidential report to Attorney General Merrick Garland. [11] Garland decides if it will be publicized. If not publicized by Inauguration Day, the next attorney general could not release Smith’s final report.

The Department of Justice seems to intend to drop both cases before Inauguration Day, as suggested by these recent legal moves. However, Trump’s New York criminal conviction still stands, and prosecutors are urging the judge overseeing the sentence to consider options other than dismissal. One of the possibilities will be to hold off the guilty verdict until Trump leaves office in 2029. [12] Time will give a clearer indication of the next moves in the president-elect’s cases, but as of now, it appears that Trump will remain free of prosecution during his presidential term.

Notes:

  1. Charalambous, Peter, and Katherine Faulders. “Court Pauses Appeal of Trump’s Classified Documents Case - ABC News.” ABC News, ABC News, 16 Nov. 2024, https://abcnews.go.com/US/court-pauses-appeal-trumps-classified-documents-case/story? id=115935246.

  2. “Department of Justice | Special Counsel Jack Smith.” United States Department of Justice, 21 Nov. 2022, https://www.justice.gov/sco-smith.

  3. Charalambous, Peter, and Katherine Faulders. “Court Pauses Appeal of Trump’s Classified Documents Case - ABC News.” ABC News, ABC News, 16 Nov. 2024, https://abcnews.go.com/US/court-pauses-appeal-trumps-classified-documents-case/story? id=115935246.

  4. Mangan, Dan. “Trump Documents Case: Special Counsel Jack Smith Seeks Pause.” CNBC, CNBC, 13 Nov. 2024, https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/13/trump-classified-documents-special-counsel-jack-smh-appeal-pause.html. 

  5. Charalambous, Peter, and Katherine Faulders. “Court Pauses Appeal of Trump’s Classified Documents Case - ABC News.” ABC News, ABC News, 16 Nov. 2024, https://abcnews.go.com/US/court-pauses-appeal-trumps-classified-documents-case/story? id=115935246.

  6. “Office of Legal Counsel | A Sitting President’s Amenability to Indictment and Criminal Prosecution | United States Department of Justice.” Department of Justice | Homepage | United States Department of Justice, 9 July 2014, https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/sitting-president%E2%80%99s-amenability-indictmnt-and-criminal-prosecution. 

  7. Ibid. 

  8. “Indictment of Presidents | Wex | US Law | LII / Legal Information Institute.” LII / Legal Information Institute, https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/indictment_of_presidents. Accessed 23 Nov. 2024.

  9. Jarrett, Laura, et al. “Special Counsel Jack Smith and Team to Resign before Trump Takes Office.” NBC News, NBC News, 13 Nov. 2024, https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/special-counsel-jack-smith-team-rsign-trump-takes-office-rcna179928. 

  10. Ibid. 

  11. Ibid.   

  12. Epstein, Kayla. “Prosecutors Back Delaying Trump Sentence until He Leaves White House.” BBC Home - Breaking News, World News, US News, Sports, Business, Innovation, Climate, Culture, Travel, Video & Audio, BBC News, 19 Nov. 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/czr72m57e1jo.

Bibliography:

Charalambous, Peter, and Katherine Faulders. “Court Pauses Appeal of Trump’s Classified Documents Case - ABC News.” ABC News, ABC News, 16 Nov. 2024, https://abcnews.go.com/US/court-pauses-appeal-trumps-classified-documents-case/story?id=115935246. 

“Department of Justice | Special Counsel Jack Smith.” United States Department of Justice, 21 Nov. 2022, https://www.justice.gov/sco-smith.

Epstein, Kayla. “Prosecutors Back Delaying Trump Sentence until He Leaves White House.” BBC Home - Breaking News, World News, US News, Sports, Business, Innovation, Climate, Culture, Travel, Video & Audio, BBC News, 19 Nov. 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/czr72m57e1jo.

“Indictment of Presidents | Wex | US Law | LII / Legal Information Institute.” LII / Legal Information Institute, https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/indictment_of_presidents. Accessed 23 Nov. 2024.

Jarrett, Laura, et al. “Special Counsel Jack Smith and Team to Resign before Trump Takes Office.” NBC News, NBC News, 13 Nov. 2024, https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/special-counsel-jack-smith-team-resign-trump-takes-office-rcna179928. 

Mangan, Dan. “Trump Documents Case: Special Counsel Jack Smith Seeks Pause.” CNBC, CNBC, 13 Nov. 2024, https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/13/trump-classified-documents-special-counsel-jack-smith-appeal-pause.html. 

“Office of Legal Counsel | A Sitting President’s Amenability to Indictment and Criminal Prosecution | United States Department of Justice.” Department of Justice | Homepage | United States Department of Justice, 9 July 2014, https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/sitting-president%E2%80%99s-amenability-indictment-and-criminal-prosecution. 

The War on Children: The Future of Trans Rights in America

By: Oscar Guzzino

edited by: Chloe Shah and Anne Godlin

Transgender rights in America are severely lacking at present, and are subject to further assault in the future. Millions of Americans identify as transgender and are victims of harassment and discrimination not only from society, but from the law itself. Primarily, transgender individuals face challenges with their access to healthcare and the validity of their identity’s legal status. These challenges are much worse for youth, who are more strictly subject to such legislation. Furthermore, it seems that these struggles will only get worse when considering the outcome of the 2024 elections.

 A major point of concern for transgender rights is the attack on healthcare. Firstly, legislators have been targeting access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth and adults. According to UCLA’s Williams Institute, over a third of transgender youth live in a state that has banned gender-affirming care, and over three-quarters live in a state that has pending bans on gender-affirming services. [1]  This is incredibly dangerous as a lack of gender-affirming care can cause serious problems ranging from gender dysphoria to severe depression or suicide. These issues are faced by nearly all transgender individuals, but can be exacerbated in youth who lack strong support systems.

 Furthermore, the status of general healthcare for transgender people is in jeopardy. According to the Human Rights Campaign, the lack of a federal non-discrimination law regarding gender identity creates problems that include, but are not limited to, healthcare discrimination. Over a quarter of trans adults have been refused health care solely due to their gender identity. [2] This is a serious human rights infraction, as it regards the denial of basic healthcare services according to gender identity, violating the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. 

The past two years have seen a drastic increase in anti-trans legislation, especially in regard to healthcare. 2022 saw 37 total anti-trans healthcare bills. In 2023, the number jumped to 188 anti-trans healthcare bills, introduced in national and state legislatures, comprising 31 percent of total anti-trans legislation. Furthermore, 2024 has seen 184 anti-trans healthcare bills, making up 28 percent of total anti-trans legislation for that year. [3] This dramatic change suggests an increasing concern with trans rights within Congress, specifically with respect to their limitations. This is much worse for minor transgender individuals as well, as many of these healthcare bills prevent access to care for minors. The current state of healthcare for transgender individuals is one rife with unconstitutional discrimination and under constant assault. Furthermore, these concerns have only been increasing in present times, leading to serious inequalities in healthcare access for transgender youth and adults.

 Most importantly, however, is the diminishing status of transgender as a valid legal status. In many states, there is increasing difficulty regarding the changing of gender or maintenance of a non-assigned-at-birth gender on legal documents. For example, many states prohibit the changing of gender identity on identification documents. This is a law that strictly targets transgender people. [4] Furthermore, bills have been passed that create strict definitions or distinctions between sexes, excluding trans people and refusing to consider the validity of their identity. For example, Louisiana House Bill 608 enforces the distinction of sexes within governmental institutions. [5] Additionally, bills such as Oklahoma House Bill 1449 create definitions of men and women that exclude transgender people. [6] Both of these bills have been passed in their respective states, restricting the legality of trans people as a population. Restrictions on the legal validity of an identity are incredibly dangerous. These restrictions can lead to social dissolution of that identity, as people further reject the identity’s validity over time. As transgenderism is less recognized within the law, people will reject it socially, leading to greater levels of discrimination, harassment, and violence. The lack of legal recognition for trans people may exacerbate these crimes as well. A weak legal identity for trans people can deter them from speaking up about violence. [7] It can also prevent some crimes from being classified as hate crimes, making it less likely that their perpetrators are charged or convicted.

 Additionally, the legal dissolution of a transgender identity occurs much more often within the guise of education reform. Over 120,000 transgender youth live in states that have banned or restricted the use of gender-affirming pronouns in schools and state institutions. [8] Furthermore, a number of state bills have been passed that restrict the teaching of transgender identity or prevent teachers from using a student’s preferred name. [9] This further dissolves the social recognition of transgender identity. While this dissolution has all the effects of increased persecution, it also inflames the dysphoria and depression that transgender children often face. Reducing the recognition and acceptance of transgenderism in schools shrinks a student’s support network, creating a feeling of isolation and despair that can lead to severe depression and suicide.

 These pieces of legislation are almost always being proposed and passed by members of the Republican party. Unfortunately, the Republican party made incredible gains in the 2024 election, winning the presidency, Senate, and keeping hold of the House of Representatives. These gains, in combination with a supermajority of conservative justices in the Supreme Court, have sinister implications for the future of trans rights in America. President-elect Donald Trump has repeatedly made dismissive or inflammatory remarks regarding trans rights. For example, he has said that public schools will not receive funding if they continue to promote sex or gender transitioning as an idea. [10] He has also promised to take action and cease funding for healthcare providers that offer gender-affirming care. [11] Both of these actions would create difficulties for transgender adults and youth to develop support systems that help them combat the mental health struggles that are common for trans people.

 Beyond the presidency, a more serious concern is the potential actions of a unified Republican Congress with a historically conservative Supreme Court to support it. One such concern lies in Project 2025, a political manifesto developed by Trump loyalists. Project 2025 argues for the abandonment of transgenderism as a valid identity, suggesting that its promotion “threatens American’s fundamental liberties as well as the health and well-being of children and adults alike.” [12] A national agenda that pushes this notion will implement policies that seek to dissolve trans identity, creating serious concerns for trans individuals and hastening the production of harmful legislation such as those described previously.

 Transgender people currently face serious challenges to their acquisition of healthcare and the validity of their identity. These struggles exacerbate mental health problems faced by trans people, such as gender dysphoria and depression. They also reduce the availability of strong support systems that are necessary for young people to help reduce the severity of mental health challenges. The shift in administration towards conservatism in 2024 does not bode well for these issues, marking an acceleration of anti-trans legislation and state mandates to dissolve transgender identity legally. To combat this, the law must develop strict and unchanging protections and anti-discrimination laws for transgender people. However, the consideration of transgender rights as a political issue makes this objective difficult and its achievement transient.

 

Notes:

  1. Elana Redfield, Keith Conron, and Christy Mallory, “The Impact of 2024 Anti-Transgender Legislation on Youth,” UCLA School of Law, Williams Institute, April 2024, https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/2024-anti-trans-legislation/.

  2. HRC Foundation, “Understanding the Transgender Community,” Human Rights Campaign, accessed November 17, 2024, https://www.hrc.org/resources/understanding-the-transgender-community.

  3. Trans Legislation Tracker, “Tracking the Rise of Anti-Trans Bills in the US,” Trans Legislation Tracker, accessed November 17, 2024, https://translegislation.com/learn.

  4. HRC Foundation, “Understanding the Transgender Community.”

  5. Roger Wilder III, “Women’s Safety and Protection Act,” Pub. L. No. HB608, accessed November 17, 2024, https://legis.la.gov/legis/BillInfo.aspx?i=246414.

  6. Toni Hasenbeck, “Women’s Bill of Rights,” Pub. L. No. HB1449 (2024), http://www.oklegislature.gov/BillInfo.aspx?Bill=hb1449&Session=2400.

  7. James Paterson, “Hate Crimes Against Transgender People,” Family Therapy Magazine, 2021, https://ftm.aamft.org/hate-crimes-against-transgender-people/. 

  8. Redfield, Conron, and Mallory, “The Impact of 2024 Anti-Transgender Legislation on Youth.”

  9. Trans Legislation Tracker, “Trans Legislation Tracker.”

  10. Michael Martin and Mansee Khurana, “What Trump’s Win Could Mean for Transgender Health Access, Athletes,” NPR, November 16, 2024, https://www.npr.org/2024/11/15/nx-s1-5181967/what-trumps-reelection-could-mean-for-transgender-health-care-access.

  11. Ibid.

  12. Roger Severino, “Department of Health and Human Services,” Project 2025, accessed November 17, 2024, https://www.project2025.org/policy/.

 

Bibliography:

Elana Redfield, Keith Conron, and Christy Mallory, “The Impact of 2024 Anti-Transgender Legislation on Youth,” UCLA School of Law, Williams Institute, April 2024, https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/2024-anti-trans-legislation/.

HRC Foundation, “Understanding the Transgender Community,” Human Rights Campaign, accessed November 17, 2024, https://www.hrc.org/resources/understanding-the-transgender-community.

Trans Legislation Tracker, “Tracking the Rise of Anti-Trans Bills in the US,” Trans Legislation Tracker, accessed November 17, 2024, https://translegislation.com/learn.

Michael Martin and Mansee Khurana, “What Trump’s Win Could Mean for Transgender Health Access, Athletes,” NPR, November 16, 2024, https://www.npr.org/2024/11/15/nx-s1-5181967/what-trumps-reelection-could-mean-for-transgender-health-care-access.

Roger Severino, “Department of Health and Human Services,” Project 2025, accessed November 17, 2024, https://www.project2025.org/policy/.

James Paterson, “Hate Crimes Against Transgender People,” Family Therapy Magazine, 2021, https://ftm.aamft.org/hate-crimes-against-transgender-people/.